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Containers for foods included cooking vessels, heating vessels, and serving vessels. Variations in these sets reflected changes in the substances presented to the spirits and perhaps fun- damental changes in the ritual itself Rawson , ; Bagley While the table setting on mats or squat lacquered tables inevitably included dishes made out of pottery, wood carved and then lacquered , and woven reeds, the vessels arranged for presentation of beverages and foods for the feast participants as preserved in elite tombs focused on the presentation of bronzes.

Lacquerware no doubt was also included from early times but has not been preserved well until late Warring States period tombs. The major states during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods continued the earlier Zhou and Shang traditions, but gradually replaced bronze as the primary prestige item in tombs with lacquerware or even pot- tery copies. While pottery and lacquerware copies of bronze styles are com- mon in late Warring States tombs, both types seem to have evolved from ancient traditions of their own that did not include the same styles as made in bronze.

For example, the pottery types seem to include from early on storage jars for mincemeats and beverages as well as vessels that could have been used to manufacture and serve beverages.

The lacquerware, on the other hand, was used not only to store and serve foods, but also to store other precious items such as silks, combs, and other personal items. Cook focus on the bronze vessel as the primary mode of communication with the ancestral spirit. An earlier cultural shift occurred during the Western Zhou period when a Shang focus on the use of drinking vessels was slowly replaced by a focus on food vessels.

Ru-preserved texts and an early Zhou bronze inscription known as the Da Yu ding include warnings by Zhou leaders against the excessive drinking traditions of the Shang.

The Zhou may have considered the ecstatic state achieved through alcohol dur- ing the ceremony by the Shang problematic and, indeed, perhaps alco- holism had become a problem among the elite, causing weak leadership and ultimate political downfall. However, alcohol remained an essential ingre- dient of the feast throughout the Bronze Age.

The source of this cultural shift is a subject for debate. The Zhou homeland was in northwestern China in contrast to the Shang in the northeast where different grains and animals were available.

New vessel types also suggest different cooking methods, including roasting or grilling. The Zhou had been in contact with many people of different cultures, nomadic peoples in the Northern Zone, peoples to the southwest settled in the Chengdu plain of modern Sichuan, and peoples to the south and southeast down the Han and Yangtze river valleys who later influenced the rise of the powerful Chu state.

The Zhou state was also at the peak of its power, a time when they asserted the primacy of their own ancestral deities and founders. The assertion of their own ritual style strengthened their social identity, particularly in the face of neighboring peoples who were ambivalent subjects.

As sites preserving the primal mortuary ritual feast, recently excavated Bronze Age tombs provide an important material record of the primary stage of the ceremonial cycle. The arrangement of the vessels and their dif- ferent types reflect the relative importance of drinking, eating, and bathing or ablution for the transcendence of the soul. These three types of vessels exist in various shapes, styles, and number throughout the Bronze Age.

Their imagery reflects a belief in flight and metamorphosis Childs-Johnson , Most tombs in the famous burial ground of the late Shang kings near modern Anyang have been looted over time. One relatively modest burial, belonging to the royal woman Fu Hao, was discovered intact, filled with valuable bronzes, jades, and other objects, including a number of people sac- rificed presumably to act as guards and servants in the afterlife Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan ; Childs-Johnson ; Rawson ; Bagley Hemp cloth—wrapped bronze vessels for the feast had been laid out on the pounded earth rim surrounding the layered and lacquer-painted coffins.

The tomb was aligned approximately along a north—south axis with round- and square-shaped drinking, cooking, and serving vessels spread around every side except on the southern rim. While the majority of the vessels in the underground mortuary feast showed the importance of drinking to transcendence, food service, on the other hand, seemed to be more associated with the body of the deceased.

On top of the coffin had been placed jade food service vessels gui , his- torically associated with serving grains, and a white marble water buffalo. The eyes of these masks peep out from the centers of the highly dec- orated sides of the vessels, giving the viewer the sense that the vessels them- selves embodied the ancestral or spiritual presence. Since these ceremonies were concerned with the movement of the deceased into the ancestral realm, the mask likely symbolized metamorphoses Childs-Johnson Whether or not these spirits were envisioned as residing in the vessels or swaying drunkenly around with the dancers as suggested in a later song either embodied in the descendants or without bodies is hard to say.

According to later songs, food aromas were one method of enticing ancestral spirits. The similar nature of these songs and aspects of the ceremony to parts of early bronze inscriptions suggests that some version of this performance was quite ancient.

The decoration of the body itself may have been a continuous symbol of transformation. In Zhou and later tombs, a jade mask was worn over the face of the deceased and the bodies were covered with elaborate animal-patterned scale-like jade pen- dants strung together with jade beads also depicting animals. Cook bodies. The mask image moved into sculptures found in southern tombs during this period.

These sculptures may have represented a spirit guardian or guide for the deceased Childs-Johnson ; Cook b. An alternative notion is that this face, representing both death and the spiritual ascendance over death, was a metaphor for the process of an almost canni- balistic consumption of the living by the dead, and—through the use of the vessels by the living—by the living of their dead.

This symbolic incorpora- tion of self, ancestor, and progeny represented by the inscribed prayers for eternal progeny to continue the sacrifices , then provided for a communion between members of the entire lineage over all time. This idea is material- ized in a famous and much discussed Shang-period alcohol container depicting a dragon-tailed tiger whose body is decorated with a composite of animals and a mask in the act of consuming a man Childs-Johnson , 52—55, The depiction of this birthing image on an axe blade used to decapitate sacrificial victims links this image and the use of bronze to processes of life and death Chang , 62, fig.

These bronzes show clearly that late Shang and Zhou period vessels represented more than sim- ply containers for food and drink. They played an active, almost maternal, role in the rebirth of the deceased into an ancestor. The shared sacrificial bodies of animals dismembered and cooked into stews or laid raw on the pounded earth rim around the coffin as bones in some tombs suggest , like the vessels in which they were cooked and served, symbolically represented the change in status rendered on the part of the recently deceased as well as his descendant.

The mutual consumption of these sacrificial bodies during the ceremony was a cannibalistic symbol of mutual incorporation of shared identities. The shared sustenance of grains, considered the direct result of ancestral blessing, assured the continuing existence of the lineage through the cycles of life and death.

The feast as a communal event of consumption continued after the end of Shang hegemony but with a few stylistic changes that represented differ- ent sumptuary rules and cooking methods. Archaeologists recently exca- vated an extensive burial ground dating from the early to middle Western Zhou period near the modern town of Baoji , Shaanxi Lu ; Rawson , Situated in the Wei River valley just west and south of the Zhou core area, the feast arrangements discovered in the largest of these tombs reveal local versions of the traditions followed by the earlier eastern peoples.

On the ledge behind her were four giant-sized food pottery storage vessels animal bones have been found in vessels of this type in many tombs. The storage vessels found in this and other tombs reveal the long period of sustenance necessary for the deceased. Also important was the joint burial of men and women, sug- gesting that social reproduction, or at least sexual entertainment, was one aspect of the afterlife. The importance of human sacrifice for the comfort of the deceased in the afterlife is evident in a set of three attached tombs in a later section of this graveyard; two are attached as a single burial of the main tomb male occupant and a woman, and one of another woman was added later over the northeast corner Lu , —; Rawson , — The bodies of all occupants were laden with numerous carved jades including animals, scepters, discs, handle-like implements, cowries, masks, and a vari- ety of necklaces.

Secondary mortuary activity above the graves was evident from the abundance of animal bone, pottery shards, and ash in the fill over the tomb complex. This tomb had a number of lower-ranked people of dif- ferent sexes and ages buried to accompany the main occupants, a couple, on their journey.

Door guards included a female whose body had been muti- lated, burnt, and buried in the ramp and a teenage male at the coffin cham- ber entrance. Other pits held a teenage boy and a six-year-old child.

The later attached burial likewise, had a young child in a pit on one side and an adolescent girl on the other. The image of a tomb as a chariot occurring elsewhere in China confirms the sense that the dead are conceived of as going on a journey, one that was long and perhaps dangerous requiring weapons; Cook b.

The burial of children suggests that either they belonged to the dead woman and were sent to follow her into the afterlife or were perhaps slaves or captives, sacrificed to assure a sense of familial abundance or fertility in the afterlife. At the minimum, to arrive in heaven with a retinue of lower-ranked beings no doubt raised the status of the main occupant.

If we compare the vessel types with those of the earlier tombs described above, we see further evidence of the basic Zhou trend to replace drinking vessels with food vessel sets and more bells. Cook grain service vessels from contemporary inscriptions, we know that the Zhou of this time period cast ding and gui—meat and grain vessels—as sets and the remains of lacquerware serving dishes.

The vessels of the woman in the later tomb consisted of this same basic set but with the addition of tri- lobed cooking vessels, a steamer, a basin with a tapir-like pouring vessel with it, several unique serving dishes, one with bird handles and partially constructed of wood and containing crane bones. The tomb also included pottery storage jars, ladles, and the bronze upper half of a figure wearing a trefoil crown with rounded hands that had once carried poles or rolls of some sort of disintegrated soft material.

This figure, like later tomb figurines, was likely a servant, guard, or a ritual aide. According to inscriptions in the later tomb, the food vessel sets were cast for presenting sacrificial offerings to the spirits of her ancestors and deceased father at the ancestral hall of Sire Ling Ling Gong zongshi in exchange for good fortune and protection.

These vessels suggest that the women were expected to run into deceased members of their natal lineage and had to be prepared to feast them. While food presentation was clearly the focus of Zhou sacrificial feasts, the presentation of alcohol as well as ritual bathing implements remained essential aspects of the service. The traditional beverage containers zun and you were generally replaced with large lidded hu-style containers Rawson , — A set for washing including the basin as well as a pouring vessel yi clearly derived from earlier animal forms.

Variations on the Zhou traditions are evident in late Western Zhou and post-Zhou burials belonging to peoples of states that rose to power during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. Northern examples from the late Western Zhou period tombs in the ancient burial ground of the Jin people reveal not only the Zhou emphasis on the ding-gui meat-grain set but also bronze storage boxes, alcohol containers, antique drinking vessels, and the pan-yi basin and pouring vessel bathing set.

The inscription on one hu notes that it was made for the presentation of the li-type of sweet beer. A number of the vessels from these tombs had legs composed of naked slaves kneeling or squatting in the act of lifting the obviously very heavy vessel Shanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo , 12— An elaborate early Warring States tomb dating to the fifth century BCE belonged to a local warlord of Zeng Zeng Hou Yi who was con- nected politically and possibly by marriage to the rising state of Chu.

In this tomb, consisting of four chambers, the central and main chamber was the site of the underground feast. The main occupant and eight women were buried in a chamber attached to the eastern side of the central chamber. The contents of this tomb clearly show the influence of a tradition in which music, not just food, enticed the ancestral spirits to the feast. The vessels for food consumption were crammed in rows against the southern wall.

Small lacquer tables with their own settings were in the middle for guests. The female victims in the western chamber may have been the service personnel who played the instruments, cooked the food, and filled the serv- ing dishes, whereas those buried in the eastern chamber with the warlord were likely his personal servants, serving him wine as well as dancing, singing, and having sexual relations with him.

In this tomb, the women were in charge of the feast as well as musi- cal production. Both food and music summoned the gods who then danced with the host, drank, and consumed the feast cf. Kern Interestingly, a bird-headed staff was placed in among the bathing vessels suggesting that the spirit must use this apotropaic device or guide while he prepared for the feast.

Finally, a bamboo tomb inventory text was placed in the northern cham- ber with lists of horse and chariot equipment, weapons, and armor neces- sary for the journey of the spirit.

It is likely that he did not travel alone, but was escorted by the descended ancestors who attended the feast as well as some of his female attendants there were also stone-carved attendants placed inside his coffin. These tombs, belonging to local elites, were also equipped with weapons, chariot pieces, and ample food supplies for the journey.

Cook ethereal realm of the ancestors up in Heaven. Bronze vessels, like wombs, transported the symbolic flesh and grain from one stage of existence into the next. Alcohol and music from the earliest time period were also essential to the process.

Carrying jade and a bird staff, he initiated the feast. Music sounded. The guests arrived, feasted, and then took off back to Heaven. The deceased and his entourage had to follow in his carriage powered by phoenixes and dragons. Feasting rituals during the Bronze Age took place in temples above the ground and in tombs below the ground celebrating the passage of the spir- its of the deceased into Heaven.

By the later half of the Warring States period, anti-Ruist cults called for moving state economies away from the traditional focus on rich burials, music, mortuary ritual, and ancestor worship. The break-up of old lineages and the rise of usurping rulers forced the group-feasting rituals to become disassociated from rulers and even to migrate to religious cults composed of the disenfranchised elite.

Purification or cleansing rituals eventually trans- formed into rituals of abstinence and meditation performed before spirit worship or as part of immortality cults, involving giving up grains and meats—two highly prized Zhou cult foods—as essential to eternal life. The internal alchemy required a personal physical processing of a balance of temporal and material cosmological influences. In a sense the adepts of these cults acted as the hosts in corporate groups no longer composed of lineage members and the extended family.

Once free, these souls entered the realm of the immortals inhabiting the sky or magic mountains, appearing and disappearing to the mortal eye, much as the ancestors did during the ancient feasting ceremonies. Unlike the ancestors of old, these later spirits were unincorporated. They were released from the cycles of gift-giving and rituals of consummation necessary for continued lineage fertility.

Indeed, sexual consummation while practiced by some later sects, was in others, like certain foods, taboo. Although group feasting rituals among clans and as part of annual public ceremonies continued, the emergence of more personal rituals reflected a markedly different society from that dominated by the Zhou focus on the past, one in which longevity cults and alchemical fetishes later associated with Daoism could flourish.

Moonshine and Millet 29 Notes 1. Puett notes that seeing sacrifice as gifts sets up a do ut des system of benevolent reciprocity that does not accord with the evidence that sacrifice functioned to establish ances- tors in a hierarchy to better control nature which like all spirits, the ancestral ones included, could be malevolent. The use of coins represents the alienation of the exchanged goods from a symbolic system. This collapse began before the official end of the Western Zhou period in BCE when people from the west took over the Zhou ceremonial center and the Zhou were forced to move eastward.

See Li The collapse of Zhou authority continued through the Spring and Autumn period. For the first hundred years of the Western Zhou period, the Zhou continued to worship the Shang ancestors. On the role of mortuary rituals in affirming social identity, see the essays in Chesson The term ru meant one who was pliant or weak, a possible reference to their interest in dance and singing rather than in the art of warfare promoted by the followers of Mozi.

See Eno ; Cook c. See a. Chang , Liu Yu , Boileau — On the sacred nature of this centralized city and why it might be considered a guo walled city, kingdom, or state , see Ke Heli Although, as Puett , 97— points out, they purposely emphasized the role of these rituals in the human realm, pulling away from a focus on the powers of the dead.

The terms used for sacrificial vessels in the texts reflect vessel types used in the late Warring States and Han periods, which suggests that the food service might also reflect later preferences. See Major , 18—19, 88— According to later ritual texts, the soul resided in the temple; this contradicts the earlier inscriptional evidence which depicts the ancestors on either side of shangdi looking down from Heaven.

Examples of the interchange are found in an alternative term for the site of worship, the Great Hall da shi or Hall of Heaven. For a late Western Zhou building complex possibly used for ritual purposes, see Falkenhausen , —61, fig. The difference between a gong and a shi at that time is unclear. There is increasing evidence, however, that other bronze-making cultures peripheral to the Zhou had highly advanced production systems as well. Unfortunately they did not leave inscribed records.

Cook For these inscriptions and rubbings, see Ma Chengyuan —88 , vol. On the question of whether mediation played a part in this exercise, see Cook c and Ke Heli Yu is identified variously as either yujincao curcuma longa , a turmeric-like substance drawn from the aromatic tubers of a plant indigenous to northwestern China, or the yuli prunus Japonica , a small, sour cherry-like fruit presently found in southeastern mountain val- leys.

Both substances were used in medicines for a number of ailments including intestinal worms. See Stuart , —40, ; Ren , 63— The Zeng Hou Yi tomb discussed later contained a number of filters and sieves made out of bronze and bamboo, including one in the shape of a triangular funnel on a high stand placed next to the large lidded basin.

This brewing equipment suggests a more com- plex process than that used in earlier times. Archaeologists suspect this funnel was for dripping medicine into alcohol. While the area of Shang occupation in northern Henan is deforested and arid today, scholars—judging from animal remains and climate studies—believe that it was warmer and more moist in antiquity.

For an exploration of earlier origins and Western Zhou bronze inscription eulogies, see Cook c. I am grateful to Childs-Johnson who explained to me the connection between the bronze, jade, and tomb guardian figure faces.

For examples of the mask, see Lu , vol. Wu Hong , suggests that the tomb functioned as home and paradise and was the final destination for the soul. While the crane during the Western Zhou period may have been just another tasty meat, by the Warring States period, the crane was depicted as a symbol of transcendence. It is a well-known symbol of immortality and Daoist transcendence by the medieval period. Water chestnuts, peppers, tea berries, cocklebur, apricots, and other medicinal items were found inside the coffins.

The women in the tomb varied in age between 13 and 25 but the man was in his early forties. These officials are often mentioned on early bronze inscriptions.

Allan , 74— sug- gests that the ya sign replicated the Four Regions cosmic pattern which was also replicated in the shape of the Shang tomb and in the shape of the tortoise plastron used in divination. It seems likely that these men were mortuary ritual officers. Harper For a translation and discussion of some of these texts, see Cook b. Moonshine and Millet 31 Bibliography Allan, S.

Bagley, R. Boileau, G. Burkert, W. Carr, M. Chang, K. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Chesson, M. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, no. Arlington: American Anthropological Association. Childs-Johnson, E. Cook, C. Unpublished manuscript. Major eds. Honolulu: University of Hawaii. Eno, R. The Confucian Creation of Heaven. Albany: State University of New York. Falkenhausen, L. Berkeley: University of California.

Harper, D. Hawkes, D. The Songs of the South. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Cook Hu, Xinsheng Hwang, Ming-chorng Kalinowski, M. Ke, Heli C. Cook forthcoming. Keightley, David Kern, M. Kilgour, M. New Jersey: Princeton University. Legge, J. Li chi: Book of Rites. Hyde Park: University Books. Lewis, M. Sanctioned Violence in Early China. Li, Feng Li, Hui-lin Keightley ed. Berkeley: University of California, 21— Li, Min ed. Yin Shang shehui shenghuo shi.

Zhengzhou: Henan Renmin. Li, Yujie Xian Qin sangzang zhidu yanjiu. Zhengzhou: Zhengzhou guji. Liji Zheng zhu. Taibei: Xinxing, reprint. Liu, Yu Loewe, M. Shaughnessy eds. New York: Cambridge University. Lu, Liancheng and Hu Zhisheng Baoji Yu guo mudi , 2 vols. Luo, Xizhang ed. Xi Zhou jiu wenhua yu dangjin Baoji mingjiu. Ma, Chengyuan et al. Shang Zhou qingtongqi mingwenxuan.

Major, J. Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought. Puett, M. Cambridge: Harvard University. Rawson, Jessica Sackler Collection, vols. Sackler Collections. Moonshine and Millet 33 ——— Ren, Zhoufang Shanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Beijing daxue kaoguxuexi So, J. Sackler Collections, vol. Stuart, G. Chinese Materia Medica: Vegetable Kingdom. Allen The Book of Songs. New York: Grove Press.

Wang, Aihe Cosmology and Political Culture in Early China. Whitfield, R. Wu, Hong Beijing:Wenwu, 98— Xia Lu Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo ed. Yinxu Fu Hao mu. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhouli zhengyi Sun Yirang ed. Taibei: Shangwu. Except for these two, there is nothing that is not the result of learning and habit. What assists life is eating, what injures life is lust. Discussions of food, the exchange of food, commensality, and food sacrifice pervade the dialogues and treatises of philosophers, persuaders, and ritualists in late Zhou and early imperial China.

Meticulous care was invested in the preparation and serving of food in sacrificial rituals and banquets. Ritual itself, according to the Liji Book of Rites , originated with eating and drinking Liji, In early China, as in most past and present societies, culinary cul- ture transcended the necessities of nourishing the body or pleasing the palate. Debates on fasting or feasting, on eating or feeding others—in this world or the hereafter—reveal a gamut of social, moral, and religious codes that made up the fiber of early Chinese society.

Yet when someone else presented him a jar of wine and ten pieces of dried meat he considered it unacceptable. That is, you declined the lesser quantity and took the greater. This is entirely contrary to righteousness, and what you took to be your due indicates a failure to be satisfied. Accepting the millet meant alleviating the situation.

Wine and preserved meat provide the means for feasting. With respect to my present lack of food, feasting would be contrary to righteous- ness. How could I have been thinking of the matter in terms of por- tions? My action was based on righteousness. Kong Congzi, 9. The intake of food is by definition a communal endeavor that includes both the living and the dead who deserve to receive a portion of the meal in sacrifice.

For the duty bound Confucian, righteousness, it appears, is to prevail over the instinctive desire to fill the belly. Many similar episodes are preserved in early Chinese writings and they illustrate how the discourse on food was infused with comments on morality, ideals of human conduct and philo- sophical judgment.

These cultural and philosophical appropriations of food and food culture in Warring States and Han China form the subject of this chapter. Zhou and Han Cuisine Imagery and metaphors associated with food and cooking in ritual and philosophical discourse are necessarily rooted in the actual cuisine of the time. An extensive account of Zhou and Han cuisine need not concern us here.

Yet, for our purpose, a few aspects of the material history surrounding food culture deserve to be highlighted. By the Warring States period a greater variety had emerged including wheat, barley, and rice. Production of ale was based on germinated grains mixed with steamed rice and water, which was then allowed to ferment into an alcoholic brew Wang Hengyu ; Poo , — Dough made out of wheat flower appeared in the late Warring States period.

By the time of Han a generic term, bing , appears to refer to various kinds of doughy products such as flat bread, buns, dumplings, baked cakes, and noodles. The grain diet was complemented with vegetables and fruits. Beans, especially the soybean, provided the main vegetable supplement. In addi- tion, the shoots, leaves, and stems of the mallow were eaten. The most common fruits included the peach, plum, chestnut, apricot, persimmon, and jujube Knechtges , — The prime dish was the stew or geng , a soup consisting of meat, vegetables or cereals, or a mixture of these.

The stew was known through- out Chinese antiquity where it also served as an important sacrificial offer- ing. The geng could contain meats as varied as ox, sheep, deer, pig, wild duck, and pheasant meat.

Sources also record the consumption of turtle or dog meat stew. Often the veg- etable stew symbolizes virtues such as frugality or modesty. Several texts hail sages and virtuous officials for their willingness to include vegetable broth or a stew without condiments among their diet. Southerners also appreciated the taste of snake meat, and, according to one source, sweet- and-sour cuisine Huainanzi, 7.

The early Chinese had cultivated the use of ice, which was used for the entertainment of guests, to accompany the use of food, or in burial rituals and sacrifices Zuozhuan, — [Zhao 4].

Ice was collected periodi- cally from deep valleys and hills and stored in towns and villages. During these collections sacrificial rituals were performed.

For instance in the year corresponding to BCE, an ice-gathering expedition was accompanied by sacrifices to a deity known as the Overseer of the Cold si han who received offerings of a black bull and black millet.

As the ice was being hauled out of the ice houses peach-wood arrows were fired to expel calami- tous influences. The opening of the ice houses was accompanied with the sacrifice of a lamb to the same deity. Boiling and stewing were the most commonly practiced methods for meat preparation. Fragments of a bamboo-slip manuscript cookbook exca- vated in from the tomb of Wu Yang d. Another popular method was to bake whole animals wrapped in clay without removing feathers or fur Shuowen, 10A.

The Han cook had also mastered the art of fermentation and sauces were made from soy, meats, fish, and shrimp Hsu ,A11, D1, E7. Cooking procedures are also preserved in the ritual literature of the time. Philosophers regularly adopted the term to refer to the worldly delights associated with food in general. These offi- cials were in charge of individual ingredients, specific cooking procedures, and catering on designated occasions. They included wine makers, spice officers, handlers of food baskets, salt stewards, and the like.

The detailed attention to food provision stretched beyond the confines of the courts and dining halls of feudal lords, kings, or emperors. If you need some more discussion, use note of this page and do not edit this page.

On the new request page, make the link to the old request page, so that you can refer the discussion in tha past. Because she exposed the real name supposed to be the family name of User:Miya and User:Miya.

Aphaia herself [1] , but in the past edition, still there IS the personal information and it is referrable from the history. So, "proper action" as said here is that she would submit the deletion request of the user page to stop the outflow of the personal information. I myself submitted the deletion request of the user page. Even though she has written something like apologies on Mr. Miya's talk page [2] , still, Ms. Aphaia who defaulted on the proper action is worth being blocked, I think.

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